George Soros – Part 4

Soros’s “Shadow Party” Takes Shape

While Soros’s 527s were clearly devoted to Democratic Party agendas and values, they publicly professed to be independent of any party affiliations. Their partisanship was somewhat shrouded in proverbial shadows. Gradually, a number of journalists began to make reference to the emergence of certain pro-Democrat “shadow organizations” that seemed geared toward circumventing McCain-Feingold’s soft-money ban. In time, the term “Shadow Party” came into use.237

George Soros set in motion the wheels of this Shadow Party when he gathered a team of political strategists, activists, and Democrat donors at his Long Island beach house on July 17, 2003, to discuss how President Bush could be defeated in the 2004 election. Attendees included such luminaries as OSI director Morton Halperin; former Clinton chief of staff John Podesta; former Clinton speechwriters Jeremy Rosner and Robert Boorstin; Sierra Club executive director Carl Pope; labor leader and former Clinton advisor Steve Rosenthal; EMILY’s List founder and abortion-rights activist Ellen Malcolm; and major Democrat donors such as Lewis and Dorothy Cullman, Robert McKay, Robert Glaser, and Peter Lewis.238

The consensus was that voter turnout―particularly in 17 “swing” or “battleground” states239―would be the key to unseating President Bush. Steve Rosenthal and Ellen Malcolm―CEO and president, respectively, of a newly formed but poorly funded voter-registration group called America Coming Together (ACT)240―suggested that voters in those swing states should be recruited and mobilized as soon as possible. Agreeing, Soros told the pair that he personally would give ACT $10 million to help maximize its effectiveness. A few other attendees also pledged to give the fledgling group large sums of money: Soros’s billionaire friend Peter Lewis, chairman of the Progressive Corporation, promised to give $10 million; Robert Glaser, founder and CEO of RealNetworks, promised $2 million; Rob McKay, president of the McKay Family Foundation, committed $1 million; and benefactors Lewis and Dorothy Cullman pledged $500,000.241

By early 2004, the administrative core of George Soros’s Shadow Party was in place. It consisted of seven ostensibly “independent” nonprofit groups―all but one of which were headquartered in Washington, DC. In a number of cases, these groups shared one another’s finances, directors, and corporate officers; occasionally they even shared office space.242 The seven groups were:

1) America Coming Together (ACT): Jump-started by Soros’s $10 million grant, ACT in 2004 ran what it called “the largest voter-contact program in history,” with more than 1,400 full-time paid canvassers contacting potential voters door-to-door and by phone.243

2) Center For American Progress (CAP): This entity was established to serve as a think tank promoting leftist ideas and policy initiatives. Soros, enthusiastic about the Center’s potential, pledged in July 2003 to donate up to $3 million to help get the project off the ground.244 From the outset, CAP’s leadership featured a host of former high-ranking officials from the Clinton administration.245 Hillary Clinton predicted that the organization would provide “some new intellectual capital” with which to “build the 21st-century policies that reflect the Democrat Party’s values.”246 George Soros and Morton Halperin together selected former Clinton chief of staff John Podesta to serve as president of CAP. Podesta said his goal was to develop CAP as a “think tank on steroids,” featuring “a message-oriented war room” that “will send out a daily briefing to refute the positions and arguments of the right.”247

3) America Votes: This national coalition coordinated the efforts of many get-out-the-vote organizations and their thousands of contributing activists.248 Soros’s support for America Votes would continue well past 2004. Indeed he would donate $2.15 million to this coalition in the 2006 election cycle,249 another $1.25 million in advance of the 2008 elections,250 and yet another $1.25 million in 2010.251

4) Media Fund: Describing itself as “the largest media-buying organization supporting a progressive message” in the United States, this group produced and strategically placed political ads in the print, broadcast, and electronic media.252

5) Joint Victory Campaign 2004 (JVC): This fundraising entity focused on collecting contributions and then disbursing them chiefly to America Coming Together and the Media Fund. In 2004 alone, JVC channeled $19.4 million to the former, and $38.4 million to the latter.253 Soros personally gave JVC more than $12 million that year.254

6) Thunder Road Group (TRG): This political consultancy coordinated strategy for the Media Fund, America Coming Together, and America Votes. Its duties included strategic planning, polling, opposition research, covert operations, and public relations.255

7) This California-based entity was the only one of the Shadow Party’s core groups that was not a new startup operation. Launched in September 1998, MoveOn is a Web-based political network that organizes online activists around specific issues, raises money for Democratic candidates, generates political ads, and is very effective at recruiting young people to support Democrats.256 In November 2003, Soros pledged to give MoveOn $5 million to help its cause.257

According to Ellen Malcolm of America Coming Together (ACT), the financial commitment which Soros made to these Shadow Party groups in 2003 “was a signal to potential donors that he had looked at what was going on and that this was pretty exciting, and that he was going to stand behind it, and it was the real deal.”258 As Byron York observed, “After Soros signed on, contributions started pouring in.” ACT and the Media Fund alone took in some $200 million―including $20 million from Soros alone. This type of money was unprecedented in American politics.259

Harold Ickes, who served as White House deputy chief of staff in the Clinton White House, had a hand in creating every Shadow Party core group except MoveOn. He was also entrusted with the vital task of making these organizations function as a cohesive entity. In 2004, Democratic strategist Harold Wolfson suggested that outside of the official campaign of presidential candidate John Kerry, Ickes “is the most important person in the Democratic Party today.”260

In addition to its seven core members, the Shadow Party also came to include at least another 30 well-established leftwing activist groups and labor unions that participated in the America Votes coalition. Among the better-known of these were ACORN; the AFL-CIO; the AFSCME; the American Federation of Teachers; the Association of Trial Lawyers of America; the Defenders of Wildlife Action Fund; EMILY’s List; the Human Rights Campaign; the League of Conservation Voters; the NAACP; NARAL Pro-Choice America; the National Education Association; People for the American Way; Planned Parenthood; the Service Employees International Union; and the Sierra Club.261

New Mexico’s then-governor, Democrat Bill Richardson, observed that “these groups” were “crucial” to the anti-Bush effort. “Now that campaign-finance reform is law,” he said, “organizations like these have become the replacement for the national Democratic Party.”262 And no donor was more heavily invested in these organizations―or in defeating President Bush―than George Soros, who contributed $27,080,105 to pro-Democrat 527s during the 2004 election cycle. The second leading donor was the billionaire insurance entrepreneur Peter Lewis ($23,997,220), followed by Hollywood producer Stephen Bing ($13,952,682) and Golden West Financial Corporation founders Herbert and Marion Sandler ($13,007,959).263

Failure and Resiliency: Birth of The Democracy Alliance

When President Bush won re-election in 2004, George Soros was devastated; his massive financial investments and herculean organizing efforts had all gone for naught. Adding insult to injury, the hated Republicans had retained control of both houses of Congress. As Soros contemplated what course of action he ought to pursue next, the answer came to him―somewhat unexpectedly―in the form of Democrat political operative Rob Stein, former chief of staff to Commerce Secretary Ron Brown during the Clinton administration. For the preceding two years, Stein had been busy devising a strategy by which Democrats might reclaim supremacy in the executive and legislative branches of government. He began working on this strategy shortly after the Republicans had gained eight House seats and two Senate seats in the 2002 midterm elections. Lamenting that he was “living in a one-party [Republican] country,”264 Stein at that point resolved to study the conservative movement and determine why it was winning the political battle. After a year of analysis, he concluded that a few influential, wealthy family foundations―most notably Scaife, Bradley, Olin, and Coors―had spearheaded the creation of a $300 million network of politically influential organizations. Stein featured these facts in a comprehensive PowerPoint presentation―titled “The Conservative Message Machine Money Matrix”―which mapped out, in painstaking detail, the conservative movement’s networking strategies and funding sources.265

Next, Stein set out to show his presentation―mostly in private meetings―to political leaders, activists, and prospective big-money donors of the left. He hoped to inspire them to join his crusade to build a new organization―a financial clearinghouse to be called the Democracy Alliance (DA)―dedicated to offsetting the efforts of conservative funders and injecting new life into the progressive movement. At each presentation, Stein asked the viewer to pledge that he or she would keep confidential the substance of the proceedings, so as to give the project a chance to coalesce and gain some momentum without excessive public scrutiny.266

Stein officially filed DA’s corporate registration in the District of Columbia in January 2005.267 By that point, he had shown his PowerPoint presentation to several hundred people.268 Stein recalls that during those sessions, he consistently observed “an unbelievable frustration” by big Democrat donors who felt hopelessly unconnected to one another even as they longed to be part of a strategic coalition that could work collaboratively and cohesively.269 This was particularly true of George Soros, thus it was most significant that Soros quickly and enthusiastically embraced Stein’s concept. In April 2005, Soros brought together 70 likeminded, carefully vetted, fellow millionaires and billionaires in Phoenix, Arizona, to discuss Stein’s ideas and expeditiously implement a plan of action.270 Most of those in attendance agreed that the conservative movement represented “a fundamental threat to the American way of life.”271 And, like Soros, a considerable number of them looked favorably on Stein’s analysis and concept. Thus was born the Democracy Alliance.

DA members, called “partners,” include individuals and organizations alike. Partnership in the Alliance is by invitation-only.272 These partners pay an initial $25,000 fee, and $30,000 in yearly dues thereafter. They also must give at least $200,000 annually to groups which the Alliance endorses. Donors metaphorically “pour” these requisite donations into one or more of what Rob Stein refers to as DA’s “four buckets” of fundraising: ideas, media, leadership training, and civic engagement. The money is then apportioned to approved left-wing groups from each respective category.273

The Democracy Alliance is known to consist of at least 100 donor-partners but historically has been quite secretive regarding their identities. Nevertheless, the Capital Research Center has managed to compile the names of some of the more significant current and former DA partners (in addition to George Soros and Rob Stein).274 A large percentage of them have significant ties to Soros that extend well beyond their shared membership in the Democracy Alliance. Among these partners are the following:

AFL-CIO: This institutional DA partner is the largest labor federation in America and was a member of Soros’s Shadow Party in 2004.
Bauman Foundation co-director Patricia Bauman serves as a board member of the Soros-funded Natural Resources Defense Council.
Property-development CEO Albert Dwoskin is the chairman of Catalist, a Soros-funded political consultancy.275
Manhattan-based child psychologist Gail Furman belongs to the Council on Foreign Relations and is a board member of Human Rights First and the Brennan Center for Justice―all organizations that receive funding from George Soros and OSI.276
Software entrepreneur Tim Gill is a major funder of gay-rights groups such as the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network, which is also supported by Soros.277
Technology entrepreneur Davidi Gilo has given at least $17,600 to J Street, an organization that is consistently critical of Israel and has close ties to Soros.278
Media-software mogul Rob Glaser was an early backer of the Soros-funded America Coming Together.279
“Racial justice organizer” Connie Cagampang Heller works closely with the Soros-funded Tides Foundation.280
Hyatt Hotel luminary Rachel Pritzker Hunter has served as treasurer of the Soros-funded Media Matters For America.281
Economist and former banking executive Rob Johnson once served as a portfolio manager for George Soros’s Quantum Fund.282
Michael Kieschnick founded Working Assets, a long-distance telephone/credit card company that donates a percentage of its profits to leftist groups and causes.283 He is also a board member of the Soros-funded evangelical group Sojourners.284
Longtime technology executive John Luongo is a former board member of Planned Parenthood and Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington―both Soros-funded enterprises.285
Atlantic Philanthropies president and CEO Gara LaMarche was formerly vice president of Soros’s Open Society Institute. He also served a stint as associate director of Human Rights Watch and held a variety of positions with the ACLU―both organizations that are heavily funded by Soros.286
Television producer Norman Lear created the Soros-backed group, People for the American Way.
Progressive Insurance Company chairman Peter Lewis has many close ties to Soros and was a major funder of the Shadow Party during the 2004 election cycle.287
Taco Bell heir Robert McKay has been a founding board member of America Coming Together, a board member of the Ms. Foundation for Women, and a director of the Fund for America288―all of which are beneficiaries of Soros money.
Tides Foundation founder and longtime CEO Drummond Pike has close ties to Soros, who is a major funder of Tides.
Democrat activist Simon Rosenberg founded the New Policy Institute, a project of the Tides Foundation. He also sits on the board of the Soros-funded publication Democracy: A Journal of Ideas. And in 1996 he created the New Democrat Network, a Soros-financed organization committed to pushing the Democratic Party further leftward.289
Golden West Financial Corporation founders Herb and Marion Sandler are philanthropic allies of George Soros and were heavy funders of Shadow Party organizations in 2004―giving some $13 million to anti-Bush “527 committees.”290
Trial lawyer Guy Saperstein formerly served as president of the Soros-funded Sierra Club.291
Service Employees International Union: The longtime former president of this union, Andrew Stern, sat on the executive committee of the Soros-funded America Coming Together.292
George Soros’s son Jonathan is president and co-deputy chairman of Soros Fund Management.
DA board member Michael Vachon is the director of communications at Soros Fund Management and the overseer of Soros’s political contributions.293
No grants were pledged at the Democracy Alliance’s April 2005 gathering in Phoenix, but at an Atlanta meeting three months later, DA partners pledged $39 million―about a third of which came directly from George Soros and Peter Lewis.294 Because the Alliance has largely refrained from providing information about its giving, only a small percentage of its donees are known to the public.295 Thus it is impossible to determine precisely how much money DA has disbursed since its inception. Most estimates, though, place the figure at more than $100 million.296 One source―Alliance member Simon Rosenberg―claimed in August 2008 that DA had already “channeled hundreds of millions of dollars into progressive organizations.”297 Below are the names of a number of DA’s known donees298―and in certain cases the sums they have received from the Alliance. Again, the Capital Research Center was instrumental in identifying these donees, many of whom have financial and ideological ties to Soros and the Open Society Institute that long predate their connections to the Democracy Alliance.299

ACORN: DA founder Rob Stein has called this pro-socialist, notoriously corrupt “community organization” a “tough-minded” and “very responsible” group.300
Air America Radio: When this left-leaning radio station was on the verge of bankruptcy in early 2006, it received a funding commitment of $8 million from DA.301
America Votes: This voter-mobilization coalition has received at least $6 million in DA-approved funding commitments from George Soros.
Center for American Progress: By January 2008, DA grants to this leftist think tank totaled at least $9 million―most of which came from George Soros, Peter Lewis, and the Sandlers.
Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington: This Soros-funded group brings ethics charges against (mostly conservative) “government officials who … betray the public trust.”302
Election Administration Fund: Housed at the Tides Foundation in San Francisco, this entity has received at least $2.5 million in DA money for its voter-registration and get-out-the-vote efforts―plus some $1 million from Soros’s Open Society Institute.
EMILY’s List: This group raises money for Democratic, pro-choice, female candidates.303
Media Matters For America: By January 2008, DA-approve grants to Media Matters totaled at least $7 million.
Mi Familia Vota: This group seeks to naturalize new citizens and register them to vote.304
New Organizing Fund: This group, which “train[s] prospective progressive campaign workers in online campaign and organizing techniques,” has accepted donations directly from DA members George Soros and Deborah Rappaport.305
Progressive Majority: Working to help “promising progressive candidates” get elected to state and political offices, this group has received at least $5 million in DA grants.306
United States Student Association: This group is “dedicated to training, organizing, and developing a base of student leaders” who will become “social justice” activists.307
USAction: This group favors increased government spending on social-welfare programs and public education.308
Additional DA grant recipients include such previously cited Soros donees as Catalist, the Center for Community Change, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the Drum Major Institute for Public Policy, Democracy: A Journal of Ideas, the New Democrat Network, People for the American Way, and the Progressive States Network.309

Since approximately 2006, Democracy Alliance members and staff have been working to establish subchapters of their organization in all 50 states. Their most successful effort to date has been in Colorado, where the local DA has funded such varied enterprises as liberal think tanks, media “watchdog” groups, ethics groups that bring forth so-called public-interest litigation, voter-mobilization groups, media outlets that attack conservatives, and liberal leadership-training centers. The results have been striking: Whereas in 1998 Colorado had a Republican governor, two Republican U.S. senators, and four Republican House members (out of six), by 2009 the state had a Democratic governor, two Democratic U.S. Senators, and five Democratic House members (out of seven).310

Radicalizing America, One State at a Time: “PLAN” and the Secretary of State Project

In August 2005, when the Democracy Alliance was just getting off the ground, George Soros’s Open Society Institute helped establish yet another new organization―the Progressive Legislative Action Network, or PLAN. Furnishing state legislatures with prewritten “model” legislation reflecting leftist agendas, this group was part and parcel of Soros’s methodical campaign to shift American politics and public attitudes toward the left―by gaining a foothold inside the corridors of power on a state-by-state basis.311

Then, in July 2006, Democracy Alliance partner Michael Kieschnick collaborated with Becky Bond (who also had affiliations with Working Assets and the New Organizing Institute) and James Rucker (who co-founded Color of Change and formerly served as director of grassroots mobilization for Political Action and Civic Action) to launch a major new initiative called the Secretary of State Project (SoSP). This “527 committee” was devoted to helping Democrats win secretary-of-state elections in crucial “swing” states―i.e., states where the margin of victory in the 2004 presidential election had been 120,000 votes or less.312 One of the principal duties of the secretary of state is to serve as the chief election officer who certifies candidates as well as election results in his or her state.313 The holder of this office, then, can potentially play a key role in determining the winner of a close election. Numerous Democracy Alliance partners became funders of SoSP. Soros was one of them. In 2008, for instance, he personally gave $10,000 to the Project.314

Soros Helps Create Two New Pro-Democrat Groups

Just two months after the Democratic Party had won control of both houses of Congress in the November 2006 elections, George Soros and then-SEIU president Andrew Stern created Working For Us (WFU), a pro-Democrat PAC. This group does not, however, look favorably upon Democratic centrists. Rather, it aims “to elect lawmakers who support a progressive political agenda.” Originally proposed by Stern as a way to prevent moderate Democrats from gaining too much influence over the party, WFU publishes the names of what it calls the “Top Offenders” among congressional Democrats who fail to support such leftist priorities as “living wage” legislation, the proliferation of public-sector labor unions, and the provision of government-funded healthcare for all Americans. Targeting congressional Democrats whose “voting records are more conservative than their districts,” WFU warns that “no bad vote will be overlooked or unpunished.”315

In an effort to promote large-scale income redistribution by means of tax hikes for higher earners, WFU advocates policies that would narrow the economic gulf between the rich and poor. The group’s executive director is Steven Rosenthal, a longtime Democrat operative with close ties to the Clinton administration and a co-founder of Soros’s America Coming Together. According to Rosenthal, WFU “will encourage Democrats to act like Democrats―and if they don’t―they better get out of the way.”316

In November 2007, Soros joined fellow Democracy Alliance members Rob McKay and Anna Burger, as well as John Podesta of the Center for American Progress, to help form the Fund for America (FFA), a “527 committee” designed to work on what Roll Call characterized as “media buys and voter outreach in the run-up to the 2008 elections.” The leading early donors to FFA were Soros ($3.5 million), the SEIU ($2.5 million), Hollywood producer Stephen Bing ($2.5 million), and hedge fund executive Donald Sussman ($1 million). But when FFA failed to meet its overall fundraising goals by early 2008, DA donors cut off their contributions and the group was disbanded in June. Among the organizations it had bankrolled before shutting its doors were America Votes, Americans United for Change, ACORN, and the Center for American Progress Action Fund.317

Meanwhile, Soros’s regard for President Bush remained as low as ever. “Indeed,” wrote Soros in 2006, “the Bush administration has been able to improve on the techniques used by the Nazi and Communist propaganda machines by drawing on the innovations of the advertising and marketing industries.”318 Soros would elaborate on this theme at the January 2007 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, where he told reporters: “America needs to … go through a certain de-Nazification process.”319

Soros and Obama: The Quiet Partnership

While George Soros was busy bankrolling his battalion of established activist groups and launching a few new ones of his own, he quite naturally looked toward the upcoming presidential election of 2008 with great anticipation, eagerly awaiting the day when George W. Bush would finally leave office. The question was, who would replace him? In recent years, all indications had been that Soros favored Hillary Clinton above most, if not all, other potential Democratic candidates for President. But now there was a new face on the scene―a young, charismatic U.S. senator from Illinois named Barack Obama―who seemed not only to share virtually all of Soros’s values and agendas, but also appeared to be a highly skilled politician who stood a good chance of getting elected to the nation’s highest office.

In December of 2006, Soros, who had previously hosted a fundraiser for Obama during the latter’s 2004 Senate campaign, met with Obama in Soros’s New York office. Just a few weeks later―on January 16, 2007―Obama announced that he would form a presidential exploratory committee and was contemplating a run for the White House. Within hours, Soros sent the senator a contribution of $2,100, the maximum amount allowable under campaign-finance laws. Later that week, the New York Daily News reported that Soros would support Obama rather than Hillary Clinton for the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination, though Soros pledged to back the New York senator were she to emerge as the nominee.320 But it was clear that Soros considered Obama to be the more electable candidate of the two. Most importantly, Obama’s economic and political prescriptions for America were wholly accordant with those of Soros.

Soros Continues to Pursue His Agendas:

In January 2009, Anatole Kaletsky―a Times of London economics writer who opposed the “noninterventionist model of capitalism” and favored deficit spending and “stimulus packages” as bulwarks against economic depression―discussed with George Soros “the unique opportunity to reshape economics in the wake of the financial crisis.” Eight months later, Soros assembled 25 economists, financiers, and journalists in Bedford, New York to brainstorm the idea. This “Bedford Summit” resulted in a “unanimous agreement that our economic paradigm must change,” and a “recognition of the importance of empowering the young generation of economists to rethink” the field of economics. Toward that end, the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET) was created as a nonprofit foundation in October 2009; its initial funding came from a $50 million pledge by Soros’s Open Society Institute.



3 George Soros, The Alchemy of Finance (1994 edition), p. 362

4 George Soros, Underwriting Democracy, p. 3


6 “The Billionaire Who Built on Chaos – George Soros (The Independent: June 3, 1993)



9 Faisal Islam, “Rich Man, Wise Man” (Observer: March 10, 2002)

10 Anthony Gottlieb, “Who Wants To Be A Billionaire?” (The New York Times: March 3, 2002)

11 Michael T. Kaufman, Soros: The Life And Times Of A Messianic Billionaire, 2002, p. 293


13 “The Mind of George Soros; Meet the Esperanto Enthusiast Who Wants to Save the World from President Bush” (The Wall Street Journal: March 2, 2004)

14 Connie Bruck, “The World According to Soros” (The New Yorker: January 23, 1995); Peter Schweizer, Do As I Say (2005), p. 157.


16,2933,602163,00.html#ixzz19pFJsPwd; Michael Lewis, “The Speculator,” New Republic (January 10-17, 1994).

17George Soros, Underwriting Democracy (1991), p. 170.


19David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 67

20 Nicola Chalton, ed., The Philosophers (2008), p. 159.

21 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 67-69; The Philosophers, pp. 158-159; George Soros, Soros on Soros (1995), p. 33.

22George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 193

23 George Soros, The Alchemy of Finance (1994 edition), p. 13; George Soros, Soros on Soros (1995), p. 39.

24 Michael T. Kaufman, Soros: The Life And Times Of A Messianic Billionaire (2002), p. 83


26 ; David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 84-85

27 Michael T. Kaufman, Soros: The Life And Times Of A Messianic Billionaire (2002), p. 180.

28; Peter Schweizer, Do As I Say (2005), p. 157.


30 George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 136


32 Connie Bruck, “The World According to Soros” (The New Yorker: January 23, 1995)


34 George Soros, Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (2000), p. 120



37 ;

38 ;




42 This figure derives from OSI’s IRS Forms 990 for the years 2000-2008.


















60 ;


62 Stanley Kurtz, Radical In Chief: Barack Obama and the Untold Story of American Socialism (2010). (The Midwest Academy received $10,000 from OSI in 1997.)




66 Maria Puente, “Philanthropist Pledges $50M For Immigrants,” USA Today (October 1, 1996)






72 ; (The Brennan Center received $12 million from OSI from 1999-2008.)


74 (PSN was formerly known as the Progressive Action Legislative Network.)

75 ;




79 ;


81 (OSI poured millions of dollars into the coffers of, the Center for American Progress, and Democracy Alliance – Soros-funded operations which then funneled some of that money to Media Matters.)







88 ;

89 ; (This organization received $2.815 million from OSI during 2006-2008.)



92 (Sojourners received $325,000 from OSI during 2004-2007.)























115 Robert Patterson, War Crimes: The Left’s Campaign to Destroy Our Military and Lose the War on Terror (2007), p. 181.






121 Jim Freer, “George Soros,” Latin Trade (October 1998); Peter Schweitzer, Do As I Say (2005), p. 167.

122 Gene Marcial, “A Bright Gleam on Apex,” Business Week (June 14, 2004)







129 George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism (2000), p. xxix




133 George Soros, “A Look At … The Drug War Debate,” The Washington Post (February 2, 1997)

134 George Soros, Soros on Soros (1995)


136 Joseph A. Califano Jr., “Devious Efforts To Legalize Drugs,” The Washington Post (December 4, 1996)


138 ;



141 Peter Schweizer, Do As I Say (2005), p. 169.



144 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 135






150 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 89-90

151 Connie Bruck, “The World According to Soros” (The New Yorker: January 23, 1995)

152 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 91-93



155 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 93-94




159 Interview with George Soros, The Charlie Rose Show, PBS (November 30, 1995)

160 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 55

161 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 54

162 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 53-54

163 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), p. 69; George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 42.

164 George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism (1998), pp. 168, 179

165 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 222

166 George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 94


168 George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 123

169 George Soros, The Bubble of American Supremacy (2004), p. 30

170 George Soros, George Soros on Globalization (2002), p. xi

171 George Soros, George Soros on Globalization (2002), p. 155



174 These documents were intended to discredit America’s war effort as both immoral and unwinnable.

175 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 24

176 James L. Tyson, Target America (Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1981), pp. 2, 200

177 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 11. (Interview with George Soros by Andrew Stevens, “The N.E.W. Show,” CNN (September 19, 2001).

178 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 18

179 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005)

180 Greg Pierce, “Inside Politics,” The Washington Times (March 3, 2003)

181 George Soros, “Bush’s Inflated Sense Of Supremacy,” Financial Times (March 13, 2003)

182; Thomas Hargrove, “Financier Donates $10M To Defeat Bush,” The Record [Bergen, NJ] (August 10, 2003)

183 “Soros Calls For ‘Regime Change’ In US,” BBC News Website September 30, 2003);

184 George Soros, “Bush’s Inflated Sense Of Supremacy,” Financial Times (March 13, 2003)

185 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 12

186 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), pp. viii, 10

187 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), pp. 12-13

188 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 10

189 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 4

190 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 26;×3136

191 Mark Gimein, “George Soros Is Mad As Hell,” Fortune (October 27, 2003)

192 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), pp. 26, 53

193 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 53


195 George Soros, Remarks At National Press Club (Washington, DC: September 28, 2004)

196 Bernard Besserglik, “Soros Cuts Open Society Aid To Russia, Targets US,” Agence France Presse (June 9, 2003)

197 Mark Gimein, “George Soros Is Mad As Hell,” Fortune (October 27, 2003);

198 Laura Blumenfeld, “Soros’s Deep Pockets vs. Bush,” The Washington Post (November 11, 2003)

199 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 13

200 Greg Pierce, “Inside Politics,” The Washington Times (October 1, 2003)

201 Laura Blumenfeld, “Soros’s Deep Pockets vs. Bush,” The Washington Post (November 11, 2003)

202 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 9

203 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 74)

204 George Soros, Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (2000), p. 337

205 The term was derived from the fact that the movements designated specific colors or flowers as their symbols.


207 George Soros, The Bubble Of American Supremacy (2004), p. 132

208 ;


210 ; ;

211 Neil Clark, “NS Profile―George Soros,” New Statesman (June 2, 2003)

212 “President Tudjman Criticizes Foreign Inyerference in Croatia’s Media,” BBC (December 11, 1996)

213 In this case and a few others, the rebels identified themselves with a color or a flower.


215 Mark MacKinnon, “Georgia Revolt Carried Mark of Soros,” Globe and Mail (November 26, 2003)

216 Franklin Foer, “Regime Change, Inc.: Peter Ackerman’s Quest to Topple Tyranny,” New Republic (April 25, 2005); David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 236-237


218 David Holley, “Soros Invests in His Democratic Passion: The Billionaire’s Open Society Institute Network Is Focusing on Central Asia Now,” Los Angeles Times (July 5, 2004)





223 Thomas B. Edsall, “Liberals Form Fund to Defeat President: Aim Is to Spend $75 Million for 2004,” Washington Post (August 8, 2003)

224 Mark Gimein, “George Soros Is Mad As Hell,” Fortune (October 27, 2003)


226 Laura Blumenfeld, “Soros’s Deep Pockets vs. Bush,” The Washington Post (November 11, 2003)

227 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 131-136

228 ; Ryan Sager, “Buying ‘Reform’: Media Missed Millionaires’ Scam,” New York Post (March 17, 2005)

229 ; Ryan Sager, “Buying ‘Reform’: Media Missed Millionaires’ Scam,” New York Post (March 17, 2005). (The other seven major contributors were the Pew Charitable Trusts ($40.1 million); the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy ($17.6 million); the Carnegie Corporation of New York ($14.1 million); the Joyce Foundation ($13.5 million); the Jerome Kohlberg Trust ($11.3 million); the Ford Foundation ($8.8 million); and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation ($5.2 million).

230 Byron York, “The Soros Agenda: Free Speech for Billionaires Only,” Wall Street Journal (January 3, 2004); Byron York, “Democrats Throw The Spirit Of Reform Out The Window,” The Hill (November 5, 2003); Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), p. 62.



233 ; David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 175-176

234 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 176

235 Republicans, meanwhile, did not build any comparable network of independent fundraising nonprofits to circumvent McCain-Feingold – probably because they historically had been successful at raising hard money.

236 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), p. 8

237 Richard Poe, “The Shadow Party: History, Goals, and Activities” (


239 (These 17 states were: Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Washington, West Virginia, and Wisconsin.)


241 Laura Blumenfeld, “Soros’s Deep Pockets vs. Bush,” The Washington Post (November 11, 2003)

242 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 182

243 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 196-198

244 Laura Blumenfeld, “Soros’s Deep Pockets vs. Bush,” The Washington Post (November 11, 2003)

245 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), p. 189. (Among these were Clinton’s national security speechwriter Robert Boorstin; former head of Clinton’s National Economic Council, Gene Sperling; and former senior advisor to Clinton’s Office of Management and Budget, Matt Miller.)

246 Matt Bai, “Notion Building,” New York Times Magazine (October12, 2003)












258 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), p. 61

259 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), pp. 86-87.

260 ; Michael Crowley, “Shadow Warriors,” New York Magazine (August 12, 2004).

261 David Horowitz and Richard Poe, The Shadow Party (2006), pp. 193-194

262 Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, “The New Soft Money,” Fortune (October 27, 2003)

263 Byron York, The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy (2005), p. 8




267 ;

268 (By August 2005, Stein had shown his PowerPoint presentation to more than 700 key people in private meetings.)


270; Among the attendees were former Clinton White House aides Mike McCurry and Sidney Blumenthal, and Schumann Center president Bill Moyers.


272 ;


274 ;




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299 ;; Unless otherwise specified, information about DA grants made to these entities was furnished by the Capital Research Center.

300 ;









309 ;

310 (Note: In the 2010 congressional elections, when Republicans captured more than 60 House seats, two of Colorado’s Democratic House members lost to Republicans.)

311 Louis Jacobson, “New Organization to Push Liberal Measures,” Roll Call (June 23, 2005)










Source Discover The Networks (last accessed 28 May, 2011)

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